Ten years ago, yours
sincerely received an unforgettable call on a certain Sunday afternoon. It was
the ebullient Jimoh Ibrahim that was on the line. The youthful billionaire,
though already a friend, was in a combative mood over the day’s edition of this
column published on the back page of Sunday Sun which I edited then.
His beef stemmed not necessarily from the
substance of my thesis, but lumping him among those he considered a tribe of
In the piece, one took potshots at the fierce infighting
among the emergent club of Obasanjo oligarchs. It would seem, one surmised,
that whereas OBJ mentored them on the art of making cheap money by being the
biggest beneficiaries of an opaque privatization programme, they had failed
themselves by not imbibing the apostolic virtue of peaceful co-existence.
At the end of his friendly fire that lasted
several minutes, Araba characteristically teased: “My yeye friend, I’m
sure you took a strange coffee before writing that. Well, hold on for General.”
To my biggest shock, what echoed next in my
ears was the clipped, unmistakable voice of General Muhammadu Buhari:
“Louis, I just read your article now. Very, very interesting and humorous.
In fact, I read and reread some portions that were most humourous. Like the
part where you said some went to the university of buying and selling. Keep it
I recall the memory of that phone encounter
today to partly dispel certain myths about President Buhari and, more
crucially, underline the urgency of remedial steps needed by a leader
needlessly buffeted by rising dissent from sections of the country on account
of what seems a self-derailment or gradual abandonment of habits that had
served him so well.
Fleeting as our conversation was that day, I
was left with the portrait of not the implacable ethno-religious bigot which
his then political rival, OBJ, had splurged fortune to project over the years;
but a genial grandee at home anywhere in the country. From my findings later,
the phone call was made from the home of Ibrahim, a full-blooded Yoruba from
rural Igbotako, a riverine community in Ondo State. Of course, Araba happened
to be one of the young Turks of ANPP, Buhari’s party then.
After the 2003 presidential polls which OBJ
notoriously won by a “moon slide”, not only did the negative
profiling of Buhari become official policy, ostracization of any business
tycoons suspected of ties with him also commenced pari pasu. Indeed, a good
number of the northern business/political elite who seem in a hurry today to
form an ethnic ring around him were the same characters Obasanjo had recruited
to lead and sustain that dirty campaign.
It was therefore from such a narrow circle –
pan-Nigerian nonetheless – who refused to be intimidated or blackmailed that
Buhari had to draw for emotional balance and funding of his protracted legal
battles against those who “cheated” him in the 2003, 2007 and 2011
polls. Among that fraternity was Tam West-David, a decorated professor of
virology, who would cap his cult-like loyalty by writing and launching a book
in his worship at personal cost when no one was yet sure Buhari could become a
In the South-east flank, you would find the
likes of Dele Nnamdi Azikiwe, son of the great Zik, and Reverend Father Mbaka
sticking out their necks for Buhari when it was most prohibitive and perilous.
And the story is told that whenever Buhari visited Lagos those lonely days and
had cause to pass the night, he often preferred to sleep at Ibrahim’s home on
Backed over the years by this pan-Nigerian
brotherhood forged in persecution and adversity, it is then something of a big
paradox that, now as a president with unlimited access to all the bewitching
lights executive power can conjure, Buhari seems increasingly isolated judging
by a concatenation of gravely negative reports in the past one week. What with
the grim gun-fight across the South-east against neo-Biafran separatists on
Monday in which scored died. Elsewhere in South-south, there has been a
complete lock-down of Delta/Bayelsa creeks as troops battle resurgent
militants. Added to that is the loud murmurs from Ekiti and Ondo, PDP’s two
surviving hideouts in the South-west.
Outside the north, it is doubtful if Buhari’s
long-standing disciples like David-West would privately not feel ill at ease at
this sorry turn of events today.
Indeed, the true ones among the General’s
friends would tell him that at the root of the growing discontent outside the
north today is not so much the hardship levied by the economic meltdown, but a
feeling of alienation. The perceptive ones would recognize that the spectre of
the misguided youths mouthing Biafra and the apparition of criminals
masquerading as Niger Delta Avengers (NDA) alongside their craven sponsors are
only a manifestation of deepening anger in those sections of the country.
After last year’s election, perhaps Buhari has
really not done much to give those who voted against his party the confidence
that he would be a president for all.
In a moment of colossal tactlessness, he had
said on a foreign soil that those who did not vote for him in the 2015
elections should not expect to reap as much as his supporters. But after
election, a truly great leader is expected to rise above partisanship and unite
his country behind a common purpose. Only then could all the resources and
talents that abound within the nation’s space be effectively mobilized to
Of course, Buhari bears personal
responsibility not to succumb to the pressures from sectional irredentists whose
buccaneering activities will only end up diminishing his profile as a national
statesman, alienating him from a pan-Nigerian formation critically needed to
define and secure his legacy. In any case, it is doubtful if that generation of
Nigerians who, out of patriotism and desirous of a nation that is home for all,
had fought Jonathan to political prediction for reducing Aso Rock to a
play-ground only for his clansmen like Edwin Clark and Asari Dokubo and some
shady characters to birth a kindergarten presidency (apology Baba Bisi Akande),
will be too willing in the times ahead to sit idly by and allow the space so
vacated be retaken by Buhari’s own set of clansmen. It is very doubtful indeed.
Following Buhari’s faux pas of “only
rewarding my supporters”, suspicion turned into fear which now seems to
have metastasized to deep resentment. And by various acts of omission and
commission since, a dangerous impression is created and sustained that Buhari
has been hijacked by a sectional mafia which has continued to dictate
lop-sidedness in federal appointments in brazen contempt of the sensibilities
of other stakeholders.
That ugly monster is also seen when the full
weight of federal might is ruthlessly brought to crush Biafran noise-makers on
the streets of South-East whereas a princely N900m of public funds is set aside
in these lean times to erect grazing reserves to placate AK-47-wielding Fulani
herdsmen from further butchering defenseless farmers in the middle-belt and
southern parts of the country. Meanwhile, the nation is already dangerously
polarized along ethnic lines over official insistence on grazing reserves
instead of ranch.
An already pathetic situation is not helped
when troops, in breach of extant rule of engagement, are reportedly subjecting
whole communities of peasants and swamp-dwellers in Delta to torture and
indignity while ostensibly pursuing NDA miscreants and fugitive Tompolo. As one
has always maintained here, these outlaws don’t represent the long-suffering
people of Niger Delta. Troops ought to be so guided and treat the people as
humanely as possible even as they hunt down the rats hiding inside the holes in
Again, to have casually dismissed with a wave
of hand recommendations of the 2014 political conference like Buhari did in
syndicated interviews in national dailies last weekend was less prudent.
Whatever reservations anyone may have, that document is an aggregation of the
dreams and aspirations of a faction of the nation’s political elite. It will,
therefore, be an exercise in political sagacity to take a second look at the
white paper and see where there might be a convergence or where their views
could be married to yours to forge a national consensus.
Overall, with the pool sufficiently muddied,
Abubakar Atiku typically, is now seeking to fish for political profit. With his
damning comment on Buhari’s style and “refusal to learn from the
past” at a book launch in Abuja on Tuesday, it is clear the Turaki
Adamawa, a perennial opportunist, is playing to the gallery at Buhari’s
expense. All through, his words were carefully calibrated to resonate well with
the separatist agitators in South-East, resurgent militants in the South-South
and a section of Yoruba political elite in the South-West who converged on
Akure and decided to raise the roof over Buhari’s advertised resolve to discard
the 2014 confab report.
A content analysis clearly reveals each of
Atiku’s words that day drips of concentrated bile. Well, in case the Army
General has forgotten how the party ticket was delivered to him after that
night of long knives in Lagos in December 2014, it is clear the Customs baron
who emerged the biggest casualty of that epic cockfight has not fully recovered
from the drubbing suffered.
But talking seriously, how convenient it is
for Atiku today to pontificate on the need to sell off the nation’s refineries.
As Vice President in 1999, he claims he canvassed NNPC’s privatization. For
effect, he said if he had presidential powers he would have utilized $20b
realized from selling 10 percent of the government’s equity there to rebuild
the Niger Delta. Good talk. But Atiku forgot to respond to sordid tales of the
underhand deals that circulated as public assets were sold off to those said to
be cronies and fronts while he was the almighty chair of the national economic
council between 1999 and 2003.
Today, the good news is that it is still not
too late for the president to make amends. A day after the bloody clashes
between IPOB/MASSOB and security agents, Buhari hosted a group of Igbo leaders
in Abuja. But his engagement should not stop at only hosting political
contractors at the Villa. The president should leave his cocoon and embark on a
confidence-building tour of the disaffected sections to signal a new resolve to
be more inclusive. He was earlier billed to visit the much-devastated Ogoniland
yesterday to flag off the clean-up exercise. Typically, his decision not to
personally attend was hoarded until the last minute. Well, that could be excused on
adverse security reports in view of the ongoing campaign against the NDA rats.
But earlier, he had missed two opportunities
to engage directly two publics in Lagos and Cross River. With excuses that look
flimsy, the president had cancelled at the last minute visits to the two
states. In the case of Lagos, his handlers explained he had “scheduling
difficulties”. But the PR mileage to be harvested would by far have
outweighed whatever personal pains he might suffer had he made it. With the
rich harvest Governor Akin Ambode had on display, there can be no better way to
shame PDP and other political traducers who often contend his party, APC, is
not doing anything other than chasing after thieves of the Jonathan era.
& the Ogoni curse
Nothing perhaps reinforces the argument for
the reintroduction of history as a subject in Nigeria’s school curriculum than
a little drama in Kogi State that finally reached a climax last weekend. The
cast included the governor, the state branch of the Nigerian Labour Congress
(NLC) and Paul Okutimo, a retired Army Brigadier General.
The plot began when the youthful governor,
Yahaya Bello, appointed Okutimo Chairman of the Civil Service Screening
Committee. With mounting wage bill in the face of declining revenue, the state
government was hunting for ghosts and the dead woods.
No one could fault Bello’s logic. Albeit
grudgingly, the organized labour had to key into the exercise. In fact, it had
to suspend its long-running strike over wage issue to allow the process
commence in the shared understanding that a closer scrutiny would help achieve
a realistic wage bill that will also be sustainable.
But no sooner had the screening started than a
new outcry shook the entire state. There were general complaints of
high-handedness, intimidation and arrogance against Okutimo. In one fell swoop,
thousands had their names summarily deleted from the new “book of
life” prepared by Okutimo’s panel.
|Kogi State Governor, Alhaji Yahaya Bello|
Based on members’ demand, the state NLC had to
issue a fresh 7-day ultimatum to the governor to sack Okutimo or have the
workers resume their strike.
Obviously overwhelmed, Bello had to bow to the
the labour last weekend by booting out Okutimo. As if to hang the retired
general out to dry, the governor went further to order the withdrawal of the
lists of those cleared by the screening panel which had been forwarded to the
local government councils.
With that, the casual observer is likely to be
tempted to clap for Bello for being a listening governor. But the real joke of
the drama is actually on the state chief executive who, since stealing into
office a few months ago through an electoral abracadabra, has continued to
exhibit infantilism all the way.
Part of the appeal of APC is a claim to a
progressive ethic and social conscience. Therefore, it is a monumental scandal
to have in the first place given a character like Okutimo such a task given
that his hands are not yet dried of the blood of the innocent spilt in our
Told of the workers’ tumult against him before
the sack, Okutimo was at his haughty best. His gloating words: “Since they
were never consulted before my appointment, they don’t have the authority to
call for my removal.”
It was as if he was on another military
posting in which everyone was obliged to obey his stentorian command without
But anyone who was around some twenty-five
years ago and was familiar with chilling reports from Ogoniland would not be
too shocked at the tenor of Okutimo’s latest verbiage. At age 40 today, Bello
could only be a teenager when the General was making his exploits in the Army.
A case could therefore be made for him that he was probably too young then to
understand national issues in their proper historical context. Such gap would
only have been bridged had he benefited from an exposition to History as a
subject later as a student.
Had that been the case, the Kogi governor
would have remembered that as the leader of the infamous military special task
force set up then to “pacify” the oil-rich Niger Delta following
renewed agitation for better life for the inhabitants of that region, the
general openly made an art of dehumanizing fellow human beings.
Okutimo’s reign at the task force coincided
with the unveiling of the Ogoni’s “bill of rights” championed by
playwright Ken Saro-Wiwa. Without shame, he once boasted that his military
training afforded him an opportunity to learn one thousand torture recipes. As
he put it brashly, the people of Ogoniland and their cousins elsewhere in the
Niger Delta should consider themselves lucky that he had mercifully
experimented with only three of those killer formulas.
To his credit, countless people were thus
killed or maimed for life.
By the time Saro-Wiwa and eight other Ogoni
activists were brought before a kangaroo tribunal between 1994/95, the
presiding Pilate depended on the drunken statements made by the likes of
Okutimo to pass death verdict on the accused at the end of a trial that was
universally adjudged a total sham. The ensuing global outrage hardly changed
anything as the hangmen eventually applied the noose on November 10, 1995 at
the Port Harcourt Prisons.
That is the sort of tainted man the fumbling
governor of Kogi chose to rehabilitate with a job as sensitive as screening the